Using
important words precisely
February 1999
In order for two parties to understand one another, their words must have
precise meanings and be used properly by both sides. While this sounds like a
truism, the fact is that in areas other than the sciences, it is not always
upheld. Everyday speech is full of imprecision, even though we all know we
should do better. The JFK literature also contains much careless language, which
weakens or destroys the validity of many of the arguments being advanced. Given
the lack of formal training of many assassination writers, such imprecision
might be expected. Nevertheless, it remains depressing to behold.
It may thus come as a surprise to learn that the law, which should be a
bastion of clear thought and expression, is actually full of ambiguities, even
on its most important subjects. I suspect that this reflects the law’s humble
origins with the English commonfolk. It also offers the system a degree of
flexibility that is often useful.
Imprecise expression is unacceptable for an educated person. It also hinders
our attempts to understand the JFK assassination, for which we need to apply the
principles of clear thinking and proper reasoning. Each of us must strive to
remove all ambiguity from our reasoning, our speech, and our writing. The first
step is to learn to recognize ambiguity wherever it occurs. The following
paragraphs point out two of the most problematic words relevant to law and the
assassination, fact and prove.
We begin with fact. If you casually ask your friends what fact
means, you will invariably get responses like "something known to be
true" or "something undisputed." Your friends are properly
reflecting the widespread view of fact as being something known with
certainty. If you look up fact in a legal dictionary, you get the same
impression. Definitions of fact from Black’s Law Dictionary include
"An actual occurrence," "An actual and absolute reality, as
distinguished from mere supposition or opinion," and "A truth, as
distinguished from fiction or error."
Would that it were really so simple. Common speech and the law use fact
in a second way: something that may be true. My Webster’s New World
Dictionary (Second College Edition, 1984) illustrates the point. It lists
these two meanings of fact, among others: "A thing that has actually
happened or is really true" [fact as distinct from fancy]; and
"Something said to have occurred or supposed to be true" [to check the
accuracy of one’s facts]. Do you see the problem? These two definitions
of fact are so different from each other that they transmit entirely
separate messages. If I say "Let’s examine the facts of the JFK
case" without explaining further, who can say whether I mean only
conclusive information or whether I am including information of which I am still
uncertain? How can anyone discuss something rationally under ill-defined
conditions like this? It is impossible.
But it gets worse. Imprecision in ordinary speech may be forgiven
occasionally, but imprecision in the law may never be accepted. Yet the law also
uses fact in this second way, without formalizing it in a definition. For
example, Black’s Law Dictionary includes these phrases in its
discussion of evidence: "…the tribunal may be lawfully persuaded of the
truth or falsity of a fact in issue," "…to prove the existence
or nonexistence of a fact," and "that which demonstrates…the
truth of the very fact or point in issue, either on the one side or on
the other." Thus in law, a fact may be something known to be true or
something alleged to be true.
I cannot see how fact can possess contradictory definitions like these
without obfuscating its meaning in any discussion where it is not defined
explicitly up front. One need look no further than the JFK assassination
literature to see the truth of this statement. One writer’s "facts"
are not another’s. "True facts" are distinguished from
"facts." On and on it goes.
The situation for prove is even worse. The man on the street will say
that prove means to establish something conclusively, that is, to remove
all doubt about it. To one’s great surprise, that is only the second
definition in Webster. The first definition, presumably referring to the most
common use of the word, is "to test," or "to try out." This
is the sense of the word in the common expression "The proof of the
pudding is in the eating." The word probe also carries this
connotation of testing rather than verifying. Students of German know that probieren
means to test rather than to validate.
The law also uses prove and proof in not just two senses, but
several. Black says of prove: "To establish or make certain,"
and "To establish a fact or hypothesis as true by satisfactory and
sufficient evidence." That sounds fine (like the first definition of fact)
until you look up proof and find yourself in quicksand: "The effect
of evidence," "The establishment of a fact by evidence,"
"Any fact or circumstance which leads the mind to the affirmative or
negative of any proposition," "The conviction or persuasion of the
mind of a judge or jury, by the exhibition of evidence, of the reality of a fact
alleged," and "The establishment by evidence of a requisite degree of
belief concerning a fact in the mind of a trier of fact or the court." (How
do you like this legalese?) Note that this last definition degrades proof not
only to "belief in the mind," but further to "a requisite degree
of belief." In other words, proof in the law’s eyes is far from
the man-in-the-street’s conclusive sense of it. It is reduced to some level
of belief. We will see in a separate essay that the law actually recognizes
five such levels, or "standards," of proof, and explicitly excludes
the conclusive level from consideration. Thus the man-in-the-street’s view of
proof and the law’s view are mutually exclusive. What’s in a word
then? Plenty, where fact and proof are concerned.
So what can we do to resolve these ambiguities of important words? Most
people just punt. They choose to ignore these problems, but in so doing, they
perpetuate a system of misunderstanding and miscommunication. We must do better.
For the purposes of the assassination, I propose that we restrict fact
to its common meaning of something known conclusively. For fact used in
the sense of something not yet established, I propose that we substitute a
neutral word such as data (singular datum) or evidence, or
possibly information. Thus we would say "Check your data"
rather than "Check your facts." We would say "Now we will examine
the evidence on the Kennedy assassination" instead of "Now we
will examine the facts of the Kennedy assassination."
That’s the easy part. Proof is harder to deal with. Again, I suggest
that we reserve proof for its common (and strongest) meaning of establishing
conclusively. For the four weaker uses of proof—the only ones that
the law uses—I propose that we tell the truth and speak of probabilities.
In actuality, the law rarely or never proves anything—it merely
establishes as high a probability as it can with available evidence, and
convicts the accused if the probability exceeds some preset threshold. We will
consider these probabilities in detail in another essay. For now, we need only
note that in civil cases the defendant is convicted when probabilities of guilt
reach 51% or greater; in criminal cases the threshold for conviction is raised
to 90–95%. To state it most bluntly, conviction in a court of law is an
educated guess. Defendants are sent to the electric chair on guesses rather
than on real proof. Alleged criminals can be executed wrongfully because their
guilt did not have to be established beyond doubt, just beyond a certain
probability. The law obscures the uncertainties of its verdicts by fancy words
and long black robes.
This is less a critique of our legal system than a straight description of
it. There are strong practical justifications for our American legal system. For use in
the Kennedy assassination, we need only understand the system, not justify it,
because we will investigate the Kennedy assassination rationally and critically
rather than legally. When we understand the legal system, we can appreciate how
our approach differs from it.
As a final note, keep in mind that legal principles have formed the invisible
backdrop for all the JFK investigations to date. Lawyers organized them, ran
them, and wrote the reports. Lawyers asked all the questions and generated all
the theories. Rightly or wrongly, the precepts of the law were never far away.